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There had been administrative devolution in Scotland since the nineteenth century. What this meant was that a non-elected Scottish Executive administered various services in Scotland on behalf of the UK government. Matters such as education, health, local authority services and policing were managed separately in Scotland. The country also had its own laws. However, there had been no Scottish Parliament to pass these laws since 1707. Rather strangely, it was the UK Parliament in Westminster that made the laws for Scotland. So Scotland was partly on the road to devolution before 1997. In addition, it should be noted that nationalist sentiment was much stronger in Scotland than it was in Wales or Northern Ireland, sodevolution was all the more urgent a matter.
Scotland Act 1998
In 1997 a referendum was held in Scotland to gauge support for devolution. The Scots voted overwhelmingly in favour, by 74% to 26% on a 60% turnout. The following year the Scotland Act was passed, granting devolution. It was implemented in 1999 and the f rst Scottish Parliament was elected. The main powers that were devolved to this parliament, and the executive which was drawn from it, were as follows:
Power over the health service
Power over education
Power over roads and public transport
Power to make criminal and civil law
Power over policing
Power over local authority services
Power to vary the rate of income tax up or down by 3%
Other miscellaneous powers
At the same time, a new electoral system was introduced for the Scottish Parliament. This was the additional member system. The government of Scotland would be formed by the largest party in the parliament or by a coalition. The first minister,leader of the largest party, would head the government.
The Calman Commission and the Smith Commission were two key groups focused on expanding devolution in Scotland. Calman recommended giving Scotland more control over money, while Smith argued for full authority over income tax rates and bands, along with other policy ideas.
In 2008, after the Calman report, powers related to planning and conservation were transferred to the Scottish Parliament.
The Scotland Act of 2016 put into law the ‘devo-max’ plan for Scotland. This included control over onshore oil and gas, rail franchising, and most importantly, full power over Scottish Income Tax Rates, following Smith’s recommendations. It also made clear that the Scottish Parliament and government cannot be abolished without a referendum.
Scottish Elections (Representation and Reform) Act 2025: Passed in December 2024 and received Royal Assent in January 2025, this Act bans dual mandates (serving as both an MP and MSP simultaneously) and extends candidacy rights to certain foreign nationals.
The UK Internal Market Act 2020 (IMA) was designed to ensure seamless trade between the four nations post-Brexit, but it has become a primary flashpoint for "constitutional friction." Critics in devolved administrations often describe it as a "power grab" because it allows the UK Government to override local standards.
Leaving the EU meant the rules of the EU internal market would no longer apply in the UK, except in Northern Ireland, where maintaining an open border with Ireland meant continuing to apply EU rules in relation to goods. To ensure businesses could trade freely across the UK going forward, the UKIMA introduced two new ‘market access principles’.
The most significant is the principle of ‘mutual recognition’, which guarantees that goods and services that originate in, or are imported into, one part of the UK can be traded or provided anywhere in the UK, by default. It means that goods and services do not have to comply with different rules and regulations that might be in place in different parts of the UK, as a result of the four governments making distinctive choices.
While it was welcomed by business, it generated serious challenges for devolution.
The IMA has directly led to the blocking or delay of several high-profile devolved policies:
The Deposit Return Scheme (DRS): The Scottish Government’s plan to include glass in its recycling scheme was blocked by the UK Government using the IMA. The UK argued it would create trade barriers, forcing Scotland to delay the scheme until 2027.
Single-Use Plastics: Both Wales and Scotland faced legal hurdles when banning items like plastic straws and cutlery, as the IMA initially required them to accept such items if they were legal in England.
Gender Recognition Reform: While primarily blocked via Section 35 of the Scotland Act, the UK Government cited the potential for a "divergent internal market" as a key justification for intervention.
Before Brexit, the EU Single Market acted as a common framework. Now, the IMA fulfills this role but lacks the "consent-based" nature of the previous system:
The Sewel Convention: This convention states the UK Parliament will "not normally" legislate in devolved areas without consent. However, the UK Supreme Court has ruled that this is a political, not legal, constraint, allowing the IMA to bypass devolved objections.
Common Frameworks: These are voluntary agreements between the four nations to align policies. Devolved leaders argue the IMA undermines these frameworks by giving the UK Government a "veto" over local experimentation.
Recent Developments (2025–2026)
The 2025 IMA Review: In early 2025, the UK Government launched a formal review of the Act. While the UK Labour government promised a "reset" of relations, the Scottish and Welsh governments have criticized the review for not being "co-designed," fearing it will only offer cosmetic changes.
The Windsor Framework Exception: Northern Ireland is in a unique position where EU goods standards apply to avoid a hard border on the island of Ireland, creating a complex three-way tension between the IMA, EU law, and the Belfast (Good Friday) Agreement.
YES
Has not led to a break up of the UK
In the Scottish people rejected independence
Devolved Assemblies are very popular- and have been given more powers- In 1989 the Welsh voted by a majority of under 1% for an Assembly but in 2011 they voted to give the assembly more powers.
It secured peace in N Ireland after 20 years of conflict
Elected Mayors and the transfer of power to cities has created a greater regional identity
2000- A mayor and Assembly for London
2012 Leicester, Bristol and Liverpool elected mayors
2017 Meto Mayors were given greater powers and larger areas in
Greater Mancher
Liverpool City Region
West Midlands
Tees Valley
West of England
Cambridge and Peterborough
Sheffield City Region (2018)
It has provided some answer to the democratic deficit- by extending democratic participation
It has encouraged innovation in social policy- (laboratories of policy) energy conservation in Scotland and Wales.
Congestion Charge London
NO
It has led to inequality in social policy. In Scotland, nursing care for the elderly and Higher education is free- but not in England
England still subsidizes Scot’s economy through the Barnet Formula- which transfer money from English taxpayers to Scotland
The power-sharing government in N Ireland has been suspended since 2018
England rejected regional devolved assemblies.
It was rejected in 2004 in the North East by 74%
Turnout in devolved elections is low
The desire for independence has increased in Scotland
The West Lothian Question remains
1999–2007: Labour-Liberal Democrat Coalition
The first two sessions were governed by a formal coalition between Scottish Labour and the Scottish Liberal Democrats. Donald Dewar served as the inaugural First Minister.
2007–2011: SNP Minority Government
The SNP became the largest party for the first time in 2007, forming a minority administration led by Alex Salmond with informal support from the Scottish Green Party.
2011–2016: SNP Majority Government
In a result that defied the expectations of the proportional voting system, the SNP won an outright majority (69 of 129 seats) in 2011. This mandate led directly to the 2014 independence referendum.
2016–2021: SNP Minority Government
The SNP remained the largest party but lost its overall majority, continuing as a minority government again supported informally by the Greens. Nicola Sturgeon succeeded Salmond as First Minister in late 2014.
2021–2024: SNP-Green Power-Sharing (Bute House Agreement)
Following the 2021 election, the SNP and Scottish Greens entered a formal Bute House Agreement, bringing Green MSPs into government for the first time.
2024–Present: SNP Minority Government
Then-First Minister Humza Yousaf ended the agreement with the Greens in April 2024, returning the SNP to a minority administration. John Swinney currently leads the government as First Minister.
Current State of Play
As of early 2026, the current party balance in the 129-member Parliament is:
Scottish National Party (SNP): 60 MSPs (Governing party)
Scottish Conservatives: 28 MSPs (Official Opposition)
Scottish Labour: 21 MSPs
Scottish Greens: 7 MSPs
Scottish Liberal Democrats: 5 MSPs
Reform UK: 1 MSP
Scottish Parliament election is scheduled to be held on or before 7 May 2026. Recent polling indicates a potential shift, with Reform UK showing increased support and the SNP facing significant challenges to their long-term dominance