The Politics Shed- A Free Text Book for all students of Politics.
The UK, unlike the USA, has a large number of significant minor parties as well as the three main national parties. While they are unlikely to win Westminster elections, they are important in several ways and often play a role in shaping the political agenda.
During a televised debate in the 2015 general election campaign, seven parties participated. The United Kingdom Independence Party (UKIP) and the Green Party, two of these smaller parties, have gained prominence by advocating for specific issues. They do not anticipate winning enough seats to lead a government but aim to pressure larger parties to consider their agenda. These parties have operated more as advocacy groups than traditional political entities. The remaining smaller parties have a regional focus. Plaid Cymru, the Welsh Nationalist Party, was founded in 1925 and officially supports Welsh independence within the EU, although its main focus has been on preserving the Welsh language and culture. Plaid Cymru has never held more than four MPs in Westminster (in 2015, it had three) but has been more successful in the National Assembly for Wales. In 2007, Plaid Cymru became the Assembly's second-largest party and formed a coalition government with Labour until slipping to third place following the 2011 election.
However in 2017 Theresa May refused to take part in TV debates and in 2019 Johnson would only debate with Jeremy Corbyn. So so far the 2015 all party debates is a one off
Who are the DUP?
Founded by the late Ian Paisley in 1971, at the height of the Northern Ireland Troubles, and now led by Arlene Foster, the DUP is the largest party in the Northern Ireland Assembly and is currently the fifth-largest party in the Commons - with ten MPs. The DUP nominally governs Northern Ireland with its republican rivals Sinn Fein as part of a power-sharing deal set out in the Good Friday Peace Agreement.
However, discord between the two parties means the Stormont Assembly led to a suspension of government in N Ireland form 2017 to 2020 .The DUP emerged as a force to be reckoned with in Westminster in the wake of the 2017 general election. The result left the then prime minister Theresa May politically weakened and unable to command a majority in Parliament, turning the DUP’s ten MPs into kingmakers in a “confidence and supply” agreement to prop up the Government.
This is a position its members have leveraged to maximum effect, exercising their effective veto over the government’s Brexit negotiations to ensure there is no deal that could cut off Northern Ireland from the rest of the UK. They also secured 3 billion in extra spending for N Ireland.
Domestic issues: The DUP has long opposed and voted against introducing same-sex marriage and more liberal abortion laws to the province.
Its 2017 manifesto also included retaining the “triple lock” on pensions, cutting VAT for tourism businesses, abolishing air passenger duty and reviewing the price of ferries between Northern Ireland and Great Britain.
The DUP was also the only major political group in Northern Ireland to oppose the Good Friday Agreement – before finally entering into a power-sharing government in 2007.
Brexit: Although Northern Ireland voted Remain by a majority of 56% to 44%, the DUP campaigned for Brexit during the 2016 EU referendum.
Above all, though, the party defines itself by its support for the UK. This insistence on keeping the union whole has set up a series of red lines on Brexit that both May and Johnson have found all but impossible to square with their own promises to take the UK out of the customs union while maintaining a frictionless border between Northern Ireland and the Republic in the south.
Foster has repeatedly stated her desire not have a hard border – but, for her and her party, continued economic and political alignment with the rest of the UK is key.
The party’s socially conservative and unionist policies have long made it a natural ally of the Tories, with the 2017 confidence and supply agreement formalizing this relationship. The election of December 2019 has reduced the importance of the DUP in Parliament and brought the agreement with the Conservatives to an end.
The Johnson government and the DUP have fallen out over the Brexit Deal which seem to offer the possibility of negotiating a separate arrangement for N Ireland- which the DUP is opposed to.Under Mr Johnson's deal, Northern Ireland will effectively stay in the EU's single market for goods but Stormont can vote to end that arrangement.
Mrs May's deal could have seen Northern Ireland enter a "backstop" arrangement which could only have been ended with the EU's approval. Whether the DUP use their veto will depend on the results of the final deal with the EU to be concluded by the end of 2020.
The significance of the Ulster parties was cast into the spotlight when the DUP ended up holding the balance of power in Westminster after the 2017 general election and struck a ‘supply and confidence’ deal with the Conservatives.
The nationalist parties, especially the Scottish National Party (SNP), have strong concentrated regional followings. The SNP is the largest Scottish political party in terms of seats both at Westminster and in the Scottish Parliament. In 2019, the party won 48 seats and 45% of the total vote in Scotland. Without pressure from the powerful SNP, Cameron would almost certainly not have entertained a referendum for Scottish independence in 2014.
The Scottish National Party, established in 1934, is a center-left political party with the primary aim of achieving independence for Scotland from the United Kingdom. The increasing influence of the SNP led the Labour Party to adopt the cause of devolution prior to the 1997 general election. The Blair government believed that granting devolution would help Labour maintain its dominance in Scottish politics. The strategy was to grant the Scottish people sufficient self-governing authority to prevent them from supporting the SNP. This plan succeeded until 2007 when Alex Salmond, a skilled nationalist leader, formed a minority SNP government, later turning it into a slight majority in the 2011 election. This development significantly contributed to the UK government's decision to back the expansion of powers to the Edinburgh administration, including over taxation and borrowing, resulting in the 2012 Scotland Act and the referendum on Scottish independence in September 2014. As the referendum campaign drew to a close, the leaders of the three major parties agreed to halt Prime Minister's Questions at Westminster to show a united front in favor of maintaining the Union, despite the defeat of the independence option. Following the Brexit referendum in June 2016, new SNP First Minister Nicola Sturgeon argued that Scotland, facing potential removal from the EU against its preferences, had the right to hold another independence vote soon. An additional area of interest has been the SNP's ability to influence legislation at Westminster, particularly after the 2015 general election where it secured 56 out of Scotland's 59 seats.
Unlike Scottish Labour MPs previously, the SNP's official stance has been to abstain from voting on matters solely concerning England to emphasize the nationalist viewpoint of non-interference in each other's internal affairs between the two countries. Since October 2015, the implementation of the English votes for English laws (EVEL) rule restricted the influence of all Scottish MPs at Westminster, Use of the EVEL mechanism was suspended in April 2020 to streamline parliamentary procedures during the COVID-19 pandemic. In June 2021 Michael Gove, the Minister for the Cabinet Office, speaking to The Times newspaper proposed the abolition of the EVEL mechanism, saying: "Ultimately, it's a convention which arose out of a set of circumstances after the 2014 referendum, where you had a coalition government... We’ve moved on now."
The 2019 election saw the SNP gain 14 seats and their dominance of politics in Scotland seemed set to continue. However in the 2016 devolved Scottish election the SNP had lost their overall majority and had ruled as a minority government.
The SNP is a broadly center-left party with its identity and central narrative being progress towards independence for Scotland. The Green Party shared the aspiration for independence but held far more progressive positions on social policy than many SNP members. Two key areas of policy appeared to increase the tension between the Scottish Government and the Greens – gender services and climate change. On 18 April 2024, the Scottish Government announced that it was to scrap its 2030 climate change target and move to a system of 5-year carbon budgeting, with targets still in place to reach net zero by 2045. This decision was made despite Green opposition and led the Greens to call a general meeting to consider their deal with the SNP. On the morning of 25 April 2024, First Minister Hamsa Yousaf held an unscheduled Cabinet meeting. Following that meeting, the Bute House agreement was, the First Minister stated at a press conference, “terminated with immediate effect”. On the 29th of April, Hamsa Yousaf resigned as First Minister.
The fall of Hamsa Yousaf was ultimately the result of a decision to dump the Greens because of pressure from his more socially conservative members who feared the gender policies and environment policies of the Greens would lose them support among the traditional working class who had once reliably voted Labour. He had hoped to appear decisive but instead, the collapse of the deal with the Greens saw his support fall away.
A greater problem for the SNP is the loss of momentum for independence. While opinion polls show nearly half of Scots voters still in favor, support for the SNP has declined, and support for independence while high is static. This means another referendum is unlikely any time soon- without the promise of approaching independence, what is the SNP for?
The once-popular leaders of the SNP Alex Salmond and Nicola Sturgeon had both been tarnished by scandals
2025 The SNP make a renewed push for an independence referendum
UKIP began as a fringe nationalist party in 1991, and by the 21st century was associated with one man — Nigel Farage — and one issue: opposition to Britain's membership of the EU. It owed its slowly growing national profile to a sense of dissatisfaction with the way in which the three
main parties seemed constantly to accommodate themselves to the quickening pace of European integration. In the 2014 European elections UKIP gained a total of 24 MEPs, making it the largest
UK party in the European Parliament. It won 3.9 million votes in the 2015 general election, although under the first-past-the-post voting system this total returned only one MP.
UKIP is a radical right-wing populist party, whose supporters tend to be older, more traditional people who feel left behind in a rapidly changing world. They are often people with lower levels of education and job security, anxious about what they see as challenges to their way of life. For many, immigration has been a major concern. UKIP supporters saw the arrival of large numbers of Eastern Europeans, following the expansion of the EU in 2004, as a threat to 'British jobs' and to the native British way of life. Unlike the older British National Party (BNP), which was associated with overt racial prejudice, UKIP seemed a more 'respectable' option. Its most prominent figure, Nigel Farage (party leader 2006-09 and 2010-16), was a charismatic individual whose chummy, outspoken persona was one to which many ordinary people could relate. By not conforming to the image of mainstream 'liberal establishment' figures such as Cameron, Clegg and Miliband, he appealed to voters who felt disillusioned with the three main parties.
The Green Party evolved from a party founded in 1973 as 'PEOPLE', later changing its name to the Ecology Party before assuming its present identity in 1985. The Green Party won its first seat at Westminster in 2010, when Caroline Lucas became MP for Brighton Pavilion. The party won more than one million votes across the UK in 2015, but failed to win any more seats.
The Green Party is a centre-left party that is not only concerned with environmental issues, but also with reducing social inequality
The Greens’ profile got a boost on September 25 with the election of Zack Polanski as party leader. A London Assembly member, Polanski has aimed to make the Greens more visible in the media through his own brand of eco-populism. Like many in the party, he feels the Greens have struggled to get the airtime they deserve, despite being comparable in size to Reform. To address this, he’s adopted a more confrontational media strategy, delivering clear, emotionally engaging messages on issues like the cost-of-living crisis, housing, and climate change, while framing the Greens as an anti-establishment alternative rather than a niche environmental group. This marks a sharp contrast to the cautious approach of previous joint leaders Carla Denyer and Adrian Ramsey, who sought to avoid alienating voters after the party gained seats in traditionally conservative areas in 2024. Polanski’s impact has included limiting the success of Jeremy Corbyn’s and Zara Sultan's breakaway Socialist Party and offering a home for disillusioned left-wing Labour supporters dissatisfied with Keir Starmer’s leadership. While still small in the House of Commons, the Greens’ influence lies in shaping the political agenda, with climate change and environmental protection now central to UK politics, partly due to their persistent pressure. Like other minor parties, they show how influence over debate and policy is possible even with limited parliamentary representation.
Link: Partisan Dealignment
Reform UK (stylised as Reform UK: The Brexit Party from November 2023) is a right-wing populist political party in the United Kingdom. It was founded with support from Nigel Farage in November 2018 as the Brexit Party, advocating hard Euroscepticism and a no-deal Brexit and was a significant political force in 2019. After Brexit, it was renamed to Reform UK in January 2021, and became primarily an anti-lockdown party during the COVID-19 pandemic. in December 2022, it began campaigning on broader right-wing populist themes during the British cost-of-living crisis.
August 2025 polls by YouGov and More in Common suggest that if an election were held now, Reform would be the largest party by far, albeit probably short of an overall majority. At the moment, Nigel Farage, now firmly in place as Reform's leader, appears potentially on course to become the UK's next Prime Minister.
Support for Reform might be thought to be simply a protest vote by an electorate fed up with slow growth, an ailing health service, and high levels of immigration. If so, the party's popularity would seem likely to wane should the country's prospects look brighter in four years.
Dissatisfaction with the state of the country certainly underpins support for Reform. For example, according to Ipsos, 68% of voters believe the economy will worsen over the next year, up from 43% at the time of last year's election and the highest level recorded a year into a new Parliament. Among those whose current party preference is Reform, a remarkable 89% are pessimistic about the prospects for the economy.
Meanwhile, the most recent British Social Attitudes survey, conducted last autumn, showed that a record 59% are dissatisfied with the NHS. Among those who voted Reform last year, the figure is even higher – 69%.
Most voters think that immigration is too high. An Opinium poll in August found that 71% feel that way. But nearly everyone who is now backing Reform (97%) expresses that view.
Reform supporters have little confidence in the ability of either Labour's leader, Prime Minister Sir Keir Starmer, or the Conservative leader, Kemi Badenoch, to address these issues. Most lack confidence in Sir Keir's ability to handle the economy, the NHS, and immigration. However, at the same time, on balance, their judgement of Badenoch's abilities is a negative one too.
According to the latest British Social Attitudes survey, 81% of those who voted Reform last year believe that migrants have undermined rather than enriched the country's culture. Equally 73% feel that migrants have been bad for the country's economy. These figures are very different from those among voters in general, just 31% of whom believe that migration has undermined Britain's culture, and only 32% feel it has been bad for the economy.
Meanwhile, 53% of Reform voters believe that attempts to give equal opportunities for lesbians, gay men and bisexuals have "gone too far". Some 49% say the same of equal opportunities for black and Asian people, while 71% express that view in the case of transgender people. The equivalent figures among the general public are 33%, 18% and 50% respectively.
Only 33% of Reform voters believe that climate change is being caused mainly by human activity, far fewer than the 54% figure among the public in general. As many as 25% state that the climate is largely changing as a result of natural processes, a view shared by just 8% of all voters. Reform voters are less supportive than other voters of virtually any measure designed to address climate change.
'Reform's current tally of 31% has never been sufficient to win an election. But in today's fragmented political landscape in which the combined poll ratings for Conservative and Labour are at an historic low, it could be'.
in 2025 , although Reform UK is a relatively small party in the House of Commons, it holds significant influence due to the threat it poses to the Conservatives. The five seats it won in the 2024 UK general election were previously Conservative strongholds, and its position as a right-wing alternative to the Tories could shape the party’s message and direction in opposition. Similar to how UKIP pressured David Cameron before the 2015 general election—leading him to call the Brexit referendum—Reform UK’s strong stances on human rights and immigration could heavily impact Conservative policy. Their presence also affects the Labour government, making it more cautious about appearing too soft on immigration and less inclined to suggest rejoining the EU, especially with many “red wall” seats in the north of England having supported Brexit. In May 2025, Reform UK excelled in local elections, taking control of 10 councils and winning the Runcorn and Helsby by-election, which brought their first female MP into Parliament. While the party has faced issues in the Commons, including one MP suspended for bullying and another for questionable financial dealings, it continues to grow in support, topping every major opinion poll between May and December 2025. Reform UK’s rise highlights how smaller parties can influence political direction, contributing to Labour’s tougher stance on immigration and the Conservatives’ shift further to the right.
In 2025 opinion polls suggest a political earthquake. But will this hold true in a General election at least three years from now?
A new left-wing party was formed in 2025 with the provisional name 'Your Party'. This has now become the party’s permanent name. It was founded by Jeremy Corbyn, the independent MP for Islington North and former Labour leader, along with Zarah Sultana, MP for Coventry South, who left Labour just before announcing the new party.
The party seeks to attract left-wing voters unhappy with the Labour government’s stance on economic and foreign policy, especially those who feel Labour has shifted too far to the centre and has been overly supportive of Israel in the ongoing Gaza conflict. Initially, some independent MPs backed the new party, though a few later withdrew their support. Labour is keeping a close eye on other left-wing MPs, particularly in the Socialist Campaign Group, for potential defections. While it’s too early to tell, the new party’s emergence poses concerns for Labour, from image issues caused by further defections to the risk of splitting the left-wing vote, which could endanger certain Labour seats at the next general election. Labour might also lose support from trade unions like Unite, which have already voiced dissatisfaction, and from grassroots activists vital to election campaigning. Despite being in its early stages and facing public disagreements over its structure, the party shows how smaller groups can threaten established parties when competing for the same voters under the first-past-the-post system.
Minor parties are becoming an increasingly significant force in terms of their vote share. In 2024, they held 146 seats in the House of Commons across 10 different parties. This helps ensure that a broad range of views is represented, enriching debates both in the Commons Chamber and in committees. Between 2015 and 2024, the SNP (Scottish National Party) was the third-largest party in the House of Commons, giving them the right to ask two questions during PMQs each week and the chance to organize several opposition debates each year.
Minor parties have helped shape the policies of established parties, even if they don’t win many seats. The threat they pose during elections can push major parties to adjust their platforms. The Brexit referendum, for example, was partly driven by the growing support for UKIP, which the Conservatives feared could cost them votes and seats in 2015. Similarly, Reform UK’s rising influence meant the 2024 Conservative leadership race focused heavily on immigration, while the Green Party’s ongoing impact has encouraged all major parties to adopt greener policies.
Devolution has given minor parties a bigger role in the UK, which is no longer the unitary state it was before 1997. This means it’s important to look beyond the House of Commons when considering party influence. The Scottish National Party has governed Scotland since 2007, becoming a key part of the UK’s political scene. In Northern Ireland, established parties have little to no presence—Labour and the Liberal Democrats don’t even field candidates there. Instead, local parties dominate, with voting patterns shaped largely by the constitutional debate over Northern Ireland’s place in the UK.
With increasing polarisation in UK voting behaviour, smaller parties on both the far left and far right could become more influential. This is evident in the emergence of the left-wing party led by Jeremy Corbyn and Zarah Sultana, as well as the rapid rise in opinion polls of Reform UK, led by Nigel Farage. If this trend is accompanied by continued class and party dealignment—where traditional Labour supporters are drawn to the right, particularly after the political fractures caused by the Brexit debate, and left-leaning Labour supporters gravitate toward the Greens—then long-standing ties between the Conservatives and the middle classes could also be weakened by the rise of Reform.
The established parties have continued to dominate the House of Commons. While a wider variety of parties may have won seats, they still make up more than 90% of MPs elected in 2024. The Liberal Democrats have regained their spot as the third-largest party, giving them more speaking time than other opposition groups. Since 2024, only MPs from the established parties have chaired select committees. Overall, the influence of minor parties has generally declined since the election.
The established parties are broad church parties and already encompass a wide range of political views. For 30 years, the Conservatives have had a significant eurosceptic faction, which gained more attention during the coalition years due to frustrations over sharing power with the pro-European Liberal Democrats. David Cameron’s decision to hold the Brexit referendum was mainly aimed at keeping this group of backbenchers happy, rather than out of concern for another party like UKIP.
The UK Parliament is still soverign and the House of Commons is the dominant chamber, so the parties that control it hold the most sway. The UK government bypassed the Sewel Convention when pushing through the Internal Market Act in 2020, showing how little impact the Scottish National Party had, despite their protests in both Holyrood and Westminster. Issues affecting Northern Ireland often get little attention in Great Britain, with political decisions sometimes made by Westminster over the heads of local parties in Stormont.
The First Past the Post voting system remains a major obstacle for smaller parties, even though they can often find success in other systems, like those used in devolved governments or in the European Parliament when the UK was a member of the EU. Under First Past the Post, voters often feel pressured to choose the party they think has the best chance of winning. In 2024, many voters swung back to Labour as the party most likely to defeat the Conservatives. As long as First Past the Post is in place, this will likely continue to heavily influence how people vote in general elections.