Case Study Boris Johnson

In the 2015 election, Johnson was elected MP for Uxbridge and South Ruislip. The following year, he did not seek re-election as mayor. He became a prominent figure in the successful Vote Leave campaign for Brexit in the 2016 EU membership referendum. Theresa May appointed him foreign secretary after the referendum; he resigned the position two years later in protest at May's approach to Brexit and the Chequers Agreement. After May resigned in 2019, he was elected Conservative leader and appointed prime minister.

Presidential ?

Boris Johnson’s tenure in Number 10 and the manner of his departure provide good material for essays on the nature and scope of prime ministerial power and the relationships within the executive.

Johnson   pulled the Treasury closer to No. 10, imposed iron discipline on departmental advisers, made controversial political appointments to the civil service,  announced plans to streamline government communications. In past decades, successive prime ministers have complained about this lack of control and an inability to keep a close eye on departments, increasing the chances of being blindsided by crises. Tony Blair, David Cameron and Theresa May were all accused, in various ways and at various points in their premierships, of similarly trying to become more presidential, though real reform of Whitehall failed to materialize.

“Boris Johnson’s frustration with the comparatively small support structure in No. 10 means it’s likely he’ll build a stronger center — either an actual Department of the PM or something like that in all but name; a model more like the White House,” said Alex Thomas, a former senior civil servant and expert on Whitehall for the Institute for Government. A string of permanent secretaries, including Cabinet Office boss Mark Sedwill, announced unexpected departures. Former Home Office boss Philip Rutnam launched a constructive dismissal claim amid allegations of bullying by Home Secretary Priti Patel. Johnson backed her before launching an inquiry that is still to be published. 

Reshuffle Sept 2021 Boris wields the axe 

Often known simply as Boris, Johnson has attracted a variety of nicknames, including "BoJo", a portmanteau of his forename and surname. Biographer Sonia Purnell described his public persona as "brand Boris", noting he developed it while at the University of Oxford. Max Hastings referred to this public image as a "façade resembling that of P. G. Wodehouse's Gussie Fink-Nottle, allied to wit, charm, brilliance and startling flashes of instability", while political scientist Andrew Crines stated Johnson displayed "the character of a likable and trustworthy individual with strong intellectual capital". Private Eye editor Ian Hislop has defined him as "Beano Boris" due to his perceived comical nature, saying: "He's our Berlusconi ... He's the only feel-good politician we have, everyone else is too busy being responsible." To the journalist Dave Hill, Johnson was "a unique figure in British politics, an unprecedented blend of comedian, conman, faux subversive showman and populist media confection" 

Case study Party-gate   A constitutional Crisis ?

Johnson survives confidence vote 

Was it 'events dear boy' or was Boris the problem?

The war in Ukraine initially proved very useful to Boris Johnson. He built a close personal relationship with President Zelensky and became seen in Ukraine as one of their strongest supporters on the world stage. This also helped Johnson at a time when the UK economy was struggling with the impact of Brexit, as he was able to show how leaving the EU allowed him to act swiftly and independently. He was also able to use the war as a justification for staying in office after the vote of confidence in June 2022: ‘getting on with the job’. 

Johnson’s handling of the Covid crisis was initially uncontroversial and generally seen as statesmanlike, and his popularity as prime minister peaked in April 2020 when the crisis hit, and at the time of his admission to intensive care. His former Conservative Party leadership opponent Jeremy Hunt echoed many when he accused Boris Johnson in the summer of 2022 of lacking ‘integrity, competence and vision’.

The PM and his chancellor were fined, along with 81 other people, for events that took place in Downing Street and other government buildings during the first lockdown. He initially refused to accept that these parties had taken place at all, claiming ‘all guidance was followed’. After the publication of the Sue Gray report, there was a confidence vote in his leadership in June 2022 which he won, although 41% of Conservative MPs voted against him. At this point, Johnson refused to resign. Revelations about the behaviour of deputy chief whip Chris Pincher damaged Johnson further, leading to mass resignations. Previous to this, there were several other very damaging events such as the behaviour of his chief aide Dominic Cummings, the £112,000 refurbishment of his flat and the attempt to protect former minister Owen Paterson from resigning due to breaking lobbying rules. Sleaze and a sense of dishonesty were the key reasons why public opinion about Johnson changed so significantly 

From this point the decline in his popular support was significant  Following repeated criticism of the government’s response to the health crisis, personal accusations of unethical conduct, and allegations that he had lied to parliament, a series of ministerial resignations in early July 2022 proved to be the end .By the time Johnson resigned, 46 ministers, excluding junior members of the government, had quit over the course of his time as PM. This is even more than under Theresa May and shows that ultimately, even a PM with a large majority can be brought down by the cabinet. Ministers were no longer able to put up a united front under the principle of collective responsibility. Their loyalty evaporated when it appeared that Johnson was no longer a vote winner.